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A Russian Oligarch’s $75 Million Superyacht Just Got Auctioned Off in Gibraltar

It's the first public sale of an oligarch's seized asset since russia invaded ukraine., rachel cormack.

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What becomes of a sanctioned Russian billionaire’s superyacht after it’s seized ? In the case of the $75 million Axioma , the end result was an auction for way below its market value.

The lavish 236-footer, which was seized from Russian steel magnate Dmitry Pumpyansky in March, attracted 63 bids at a sale in Gibraltar. A true watershed moment, it is the first public auction of an oligarch’s asset since Russian forces invaded Ukraine in February.

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The superyacht, which boasts six luxurious guest cabins, an infinity pool, a spa and a 3-D cinema, was detained by the Gibraltar government after a legal claim from JP Morgan said Pumpyansky’s holding company Pyrene Investments owed the bank more than $20 million.

The Office of the Admiralty Marshal in Gibraltar confirmed on Tuesday that 63 bids were received for Axioma , but refused to reveal the value of the bids, as reported by the Guardian .

“Axioma” docked in Marseille, France in June.  Gerard Bottino / SOPA Images

“The successful bidder will be selected by the Admiralty Marshal but details of the bidder and the value of the offer will remain confidential,” the court said in a statement. “Details about the sale value of the vessel will be made available once the transaction has been completed which could take place in approximately 10 to 14 days.”

James Jaffa, a lawyer for British firm Jaffa & Co, told the Guardian that he expects Axioma to sell for “way below” $20 million.

The west has confiscated billions worth of assets since March. British and American authorities have previously said they would seek to funnel the proceeds of sold assets back into Ukraine. This auction has attracted controversy, though, because Axioma has been sold not for the benefit of the Ukrainian people, but for the US investment bank.

Still, the has set a “benchmark” for other banks looking to recoup losses by auctioning assets.

“ Axioma will be a watershed moment for assets that have bank financing against them because all the other banks will realize that the asset can be sold and that they can get some or all of their money back,” Jaffa adds.

Rachel Cormack is a digital editor at Robb Report. She cut her teeth writing for HuffPost, Concrete Playground, and several other online publications in Australia, before moving to New York at the…

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$75m superyacht belonging to Russian oligarch seized in Gibraltar

Axioma held after Dmitry Pumpyansky was added to UK and EU sanctions list in March

• Russia-Ukraine war – latest updates

A superyacht belonging to a sanctioned Russian oligarch has been seized in Gibraltar , becoming the latest vessel to be impounded by authorities.

The $75m (£57m) Axioma belonging to billionaire Dmitry Pumpyansky – owner and chairman of steel pipe manufacturer OAO TMK, which is a supplier to Russian state-owned energy company Gazprom – was seized by authorities in the British overseas territory on Monday.

The news emerged as two of Roman Abramovich’s superyachts were spotted docked in ports in Turkey, having cruised to new locations after the extension of sanctions to include the Chelsea FC owner.

Yachts belonging to several Russian oligarchs have hastily arranged unplanned sailings, apparently moving them to avoid seizure by governments enforcing sanctions following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine . Turkey has not yet joined western economic sanctions against Russia.

After the seizure of Pumpyansky’s yacht by authorities in Gibraltar, the UK’s transport secretary, Grant Shapps, said he was doing “all I can to cripple Russia’s aviation and shipping industries”. “It’s not just here in the UK those sanctions apply, either. They are being mirrored in our overseas territories too.”

Pumpyansky was added to the UK and EU sanctions lists earlier this month.

The yacht Eclipse , at nearly 163 metres (535ft) long the largest in the fleet linked to Abramovich, arrived in Marmaris on Tuesday morning.

It had skirted EU waters south of the Greek island of Crete on its journey, according to data from the website Marine Traffic.

Eclipse, which flies under the flag of Bermuda, had set sail east from St Maarten in the Caribbean towards international waters earlier in March, shortly after other oligarchs’ yachts were seized.

The yacht boasts nine decks, two helipads and a 16-metre swimming pool that can be converted to a dancefloor, and is the most expensive vessel owned by individuals on the growing US, EU and UK sanction lists.

Meanwhile, the superyacht Solaris, worth an estimated $600m and also owned by Abramovich, arrived in the Turkish port of Bodrum on Monday afternoon.

The almost 138-metre vessel, which was delivered in 2021, left the Barcelona port where it had been undergoing repairs on 8 March, appearing to join the unplanned sailings of Russian oligarchs moving their superyachts to avoid seizure by governments enforcing sanctions.

The Solaris was tracked passing the southern coast of Sicily on its voyage towards Turkey, although the tracking did not include any information about who was on board.

A spokesperson for Abramovich did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The arrival of Solaris and Eclipse comes just days after a Gulfstream private jet linked to Abramovich was reported to have flown to Istanbul from Tel Aviv, according to flight tracking websites. Abramovich was photographed in the VIP lounge at Tel Aviv airport.

The tycoon was added to the list of sanctioned individuals by the UK and the EU earlier in March.

Alongside the assets including yachts and jets connected to the oligarch, Abramovich and his family have amassed a UK property collection worth more than £250m , numbering about 70 homes, buildings and pieces of land.

The information was compiled by the Russian asset tracker , a partnership involving the Guardian, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project and other international news organisations that are reporting on the wealth of Russia’s most powerful operators.

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Watch CBS News

Gibraltar sells Russian oligarch's yacht for $37.5 million

September 27, 2022 / 7:37 PM EDT / CBS/AFP

Gibraltar on Tuesday sold a superyacht belonging to Russian oligarch Dmitry Pumpyansky for $37.5 million following its seizure in March under Ukraine war sanctions, judicial authorities said.

Gibraltar's Admiralty Marshal, a specialist British maritime court that handles the sale of ships, did not release the buyer's name.

The 72-metre (236-foot) vessel, MV Axioma, was seized on March 22 following a complaint filed by the U.S. bank J.P. Morgan, authorities in the tiny British enclave at the southern tip of Spain said at the time.

The move came shortly after Pumpyansky — head of TMK, Russia's biggest manufacturer of steel pipes — was added to the list of tycoons targeted by EU and U.K. sanctions after Russia invaded Ukraine in February.

Gibraltar's Supreme Court had in June ordered that the yacht be sold at auction, with the Malta-flagged Axioma attracting 63 bids.

The funds raised will be used to compensate the oligarch's creditors.

In December 2021, J.P. Morgan granted a loan of 20.5 million euros ($21.7 million) to a company registered in the British Virgin Islands whose shareholders included a Cypriot firm owned by Pumpyansky.

But the bank saw Pumpyansky's inclusion on Britain's sanctions list as a breach of the loan contract since it led to the freezing of his assets.

Dozens of yachts allegedly tied to Russian oligarchs have been seized since Russia began its offensive in Ukraine seven months ago. In April, Dutch authorities seized 14 yachts , 12 of which were still under construction. U.S. and Spanish authorities took a $90 million super-yacht docked in Palma de Mallorca with ties to Viktor Vekselberg; and the U.S. also seized a $300 million vessel in Fiji.  Italy froze a $700 million mega-yacht linked to "prominent elements of the Russian government."

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Superyacht linked to sanctioned Russian oligarch auctioned in Gibraltar

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Reporting by Joan Faus and Graham Keeley, additional reporting by Inti Landauro, editing by Aislinn Laing and Bernadette Baum

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Joan is a Barcelona-based correspondent reporting on politics, economics and social issues, such as migration and the car industry’s green transition, and also conducting investigative pieces. With over 15 years of experience, Joan previously worked as Washington correspondent for Spain’s leading newspaper EL PAÍS, closely covering the Obama and Trump administrations, electoral campaigns and major news; at Spanish newspapers Ara and Público in Madrid, and at EFE news agency in Buenos Aires and Barcelona. He is a journalism graduate from Barcelona’s Autonomous University, including an exchange program in Amsterdam and New York, and holds a business executive degree from IESE Business School

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A $75 million superyacht seized from a Russian oligarch, which has a glass elevator and infinity pool, is going under the hammer. Take a look inside.

• A 236-foot superyacht seized from a sanctioned Russian oligarch is being auctioned off.
• The five-deck Axioma has a glass elevator, infinity pool, and 3D cinema, among other amenities.
• Take a look inside.

A 236-foot, five-deck superyacht seized from a sanctioned Russian oligarch is being auctioned off, with the deadline for bids set for Tuesday.

Buyers sense a bargain at first invasion-related sale of oligarch's $75m superyacht, says auction lead

The Axioma was seized by Gibraltar in March. It's one of several Russian-owned superyachts that have been seized since Russia invaded Ukraine, but will be the first to go under the hammer, according to its auctioneer.

France seized a $120 million super-yacht owned by Russian oligarch and Putin confidant Igor Sechin – a man dubbed 'Darth Vader' by Russian media

The Axioma is being auctioned to repay money its owner Dmitry Pumpyansky owes to US bank JPMorgan, according to court documents cited by Bloomberg.

Source: Bloomberg

SuperYachtFan values the Axioma at $75 million. It was previously available for the super-wealthy to charter for up to 635,000 euros, or $633,000, a week.

Source: Superyachtfan

The luxury vessel can sleep up to 12 guests in its six cabins...

...each with its own color scheme.

There's room for up to 20 crew members.

Guests can relax in a jacuzzi or swim in an infinity pool.

Above the infinity pool is a large outdoor lounge that can be converted into a dance floor, according to Howe Robinson Partners, the firm auctioning the Axioma.

Source: Howe Robinson Partners

Below deck, there's also a sauna, steam room, and gym.

A glass elevator ferries passengers between the yacht's five decks, which boast a helipad, media room, and 3D cinema, among other amenities.

The elevator brings VIP guests to the "Owner's Study." From there, a small corridor leads to the master bedroom, which features 180-degree panoramic windows and a ceiling that opens "to reveal a glass roof for laying under the stars," per the auctioneers.

The aft deck is "great for relaxing in the tub and having a cocktail while the sun goes down," the auctioneers say. The fore deck can be used "as a golf driving range complete with biodegradable, fish food, golf balls," they say.

Double sliding doors lead from the aft deck to the main saloon, which has a double-height atrium.

There's been a "staggering amount of interest" in the vessel, its auctioneer Nigel Hollyer, of Howe Robinson, told Bloomberg on Monday. The sealed bid auction closes at 1pm local time Tuesday, Hollyer told the Guardian.

Source: The Guardian

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Axioma superyacht to become first vessel seized under Russian sanctions to be auctioned

The £65m luxury craft will be sold by the gibraltar government on tuesday, with proceeds due to go to jp morgan not ukraine.

The 'Axioma' superyacht belonged to Russian oligarch Dmitrievich Pumpyansky, who is on the EU's list of sanctioned Russians. Reuters

The Axioma will become the first seized superyacht to be auctioned after sanctions were imposed on Russian oligarch's following Russia's invasion of Ukraine .

Proceeds from the sale of the £65m luxury vessel on Tuesday in Gibraltar won't go to Ukraine, however, but instead US investment bank JP Morgan , which says it is owed more than $20m (£17m) by the yacht's billionaire Russian ex-owner, Dmitry Pumpyansky.

Detained in Gibraltar in March, the 72.5-metre Axioma is the epitome of yachting opulence, boasting six guest cabins, a pool, gym, jacuzzi, spa and 3D cinema.

Although many oligarch-owned or affiliated superyachts have been seized since the UK, EU and US imposed a raft of sanctions on wealthy Russians, the Axioma is the first to have been put up for sale.

Superyachts of Russian oligarchs - in pictures

A judge in Fiji has ruled that US authorities can seize the Russian-owned superyacht Amadea. Fiji Sun / AP

The auction materialised after JP Morgan launched a legal claim for the money it says it is owed by Pyrene Investments, Pumpyansky’s holding company.

The US bank said the terms of the loan had been broken because it was unable to accept repayments from Pyrene following the sanctions imposed on Pumpyansky. It thus asked Gibraltar's courts to seize and sell the yacht.

“The Axioma was arrested following the filing of an admiralty claim in the supreme court. Given that the sale is by auction, pursuant to an order of the court, the Admiralty marshal cannot say how much it is expected to sell for or how many people have expressed interest,” a spokesperson for Gibraltar Courts Service said.

However, the man in charge of the auction told the UK's Guardian newspaper there had been an “unexpected late surge by prospective buyers” with more than 30 from around the world travelling to Gibraltar.

“They are people who own or have owned boats of similar size, and have been attracted to this boat because of the judicial sale process – they are convinced they’re going to get a bargain,” said Nigel Hollyer, the broker to the Admiralty marshal of the supreme court of Gibraltar.

Originally called Red Square , the Axioma was built by Dunya Yachts in Turkey in 2013, and was available for other millionaires to charter for $558,500 a week.

With an estimated fortune of £1.84bn, the loss of revenue is unlikely to trouble Pumpyansky too gravely. He is the owner and chairman of steel pipe manufacturer OAO TMK, which supplies Russia state energy giant Gazprom. The UK has described him as one of Vladimir Putin's closest oligarchs. Unsurprisingly, he could not be contacted for comment on the impending auction.

View from London

Your weekly update from the UK and Europe

Superyacht Seized From Sanctioned Russian Billionaire Sells for Undisclosed Amount

The Axioma becomes the first seized Russian yacht to be sold on the open market.

mikurubaeahina

reimuracing

Russian billionaire Dmitry Pumpyansky is really just your average oligarch. He's tied to a $2 billion dollar net worth, alleged close ties to Vladimir Putin , a private art gallery , and of course, a 236-foot superyacht with a dozen bedrooms on board. Or at least he did own the yacht, until earlier this year when J.P. Morgan seized it , followed by then auctioning it off on Tuesday.

The reason for the seizure is directly due to international sanctions on Russian oligarchs in the wake of Russia's invasion of Ukraine . Pumpyansky, who has been identified by the U.S. government as an oligarch in the 2017 Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, served as the guarantor of a $20 million loan with JP Morgan when the invasion began. He, along with many other Russian billionaires, was sanctioned shortly after the invasion . As a result, and according to court papers obtained by Reuters, the sanctions ultimately "constitut[e] an event of default," as it is now legally impossible for Pumpyansky to pay back the loan. As collateral for the defaulted loan, JP Morgan seized the superyacht and brought it to public auction at the Gibraltar Admiralty Court (where the ship was impounded). It's the first seized Russian yacht actually sold on the open market, rather than just confiscated, since sanctions began earlier this year.

The yacht itself is the Axioma, a 236-foot-long vessel launched in 2013 that was formerly available as a charter ship. As the listing and photos highlight, it has a beach-house style interior designed by Alberto Pinto , and it features a 3D cinema room, multiple jacuzzis, a steam room and sauna, a gym, onboard jet-skis, and an inflatable water slide that stretches from the sun deck to the water itself. It was nominated as a finalist for several 200+ foot yacht awards, which I did not know existed.

The original cost of the yacht was $75 million (and it was going for nearly $550,000 a week during peak season as a charter vessel). According to the Guardian , which spoke with the broker of the auction, there was an "unexpected late surge" of interest from potential buyers who wanted to pick up the Axioma as a "bargain" at auction. According to the broker, 30 people flew into Gibraltar where the vessel was docked to check it out in person before it was sold Tuesday. It's unknown if anyone did actually get a deal on the Axioma, as it was sold at a sealed-bid auction, but I'm going to wager a guess that if you have to ask, you probably couldn't afford it anyway.

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Take a look inside this floating moneybag before it goes under the hammer. 

The five-deck, glass elevator-equipped Axioma yacht will soon be sold to the highest bidder after being removed from the possession of its former owner, the Russian oligarch Dmitry Pumpyansky. 

The 236-foot vessel (originally known as Red Square) was seized by Gibraltar in March, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It has the dubious honor of being the first Gibraltar-seized, Russian-owned superyacht to go up for auction since the start of the war, Insider reports . 

Built in 2013, the Axioma is currently valued at $75 million, costs about $7.5 million to run annually and — before being seized to repay Pumpyansky’s debt to JPMorgan — was available to charter for approximately $633,000 a week, reports the website SuperYachtFan . The ship features a steam room, a sauna, a bridge deck gym, a glass elevator, a helipad and a 3D movie theater — and comes with its own water skis, scuba diving equipment, snorkeling equipment and kayaks, according to its YachtCharterFleet profile . 

Alfresco dining areas abound, and there’s also a double-height salon with mezzanine and an “uber-chic infinity pool on main deck.”

There are five staterooms (one VIP suite, two doubles and two convertible twin cabins), each with their own color scheme, in addition to the skylit primary suite.

“Once in the Master bedroom, you will immediately be awestruck by the 180 degrees of panoramic windows,” the auction website boasts. “The ceiling can also be opened to reveal a glass roof for laying under the stars.”

The overall vibe is intended to be “contemporary beach house style,” the designer said, choosing to rebel against the “stiff formality of a glitzy hotel-inspired interior expected to be found on a yacht,” according to the YachtCharterFleet.

The auction follows JPMorgan winning a court order in Gibraltar this July, approving the boat’s sale after Pumpyansky reneged on a $20.6 million loan associated with the ship, Bloomberg reports . 

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For the first time, a Russian superyacht seized under war-related sanctions will be auctioned.

JP Morgan said that the ship’s owner, Dmitrievich Pumpyansky, a billionaire Russian steel pipe magnate, owed it more than $20 million in loan repayments that could no longer be legally accepted after he was sanctioned by the West.

• Share full article

By Euan Ward

• Aug. 22, 2022

A superyacht owned by a sanctioned Russian businessman is set to be publicly auctioned off on Tuesday, the first such sale since governments around the world began seizing Russian-owned luxury vessels in the wake of President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.

The superyacht, the Malta-flagged Axioma, was seized by British authorities in Gibraltar in March after the U.S. investment bank JP Morgan said that the ship’s owner, Dmitrievich Pumpyansky, a billionaire Russian steel pipe magnate, owed it more than $20 million in loan repayments.

Before being sanctioned in March, Mr. Pumpyansky owned and chaired Russia’s largest steel pipe producer, TMK PJSC. Britain said that Mr. Pumpyansky was one of the oligarchs “closest to Putin ,” and had amassed a fortune estimated at more than $2 billion.

The bank said that the money it was owed by Pyrene Investments, Mr. Pumpyansky’s holding company, could no longer be legally accepted after he was sanctioned by the United States, Britain and European Union. The bank won a court order in Gibraltar in July to have the vessel seized and auctioned off to repay the loan.

The Axioma has five decks and is 240 feet long. It is outfitted with six luxurious bedrooms, an infinity pool, a 3-D cinema, a gym, a jacuzzi and a spa. Nigel Hollyer, the broker at the auction house handling the vessel’s sale, Howe Robinson Partners, would not disclose the yacht’s appraised value, but said it was expected to sell “comfortably in advance” of that figure.

The BBC previously reported an appraisal value of £63 million, or about $75 million for the vessel, though it did not disclose how the figure was obtained.

Mr. Hollyer said he had seen a “staggering amount” of interest in the vessel in recent weeks, including 100 inquiries and 30 in-person inspections. He said that there had been two “serious” offers already, and that most offers were expected on Tuesday. Prospective buyers hailed from countries including the United States, Canada, Britain, Italy, and Turkey, according to Mr. Hollyer.

The vessel, originally named Red Square when it was built in 2013, was once available for charter for as much as $635,250 a week, plus expenses. Many of those who previously rented the superyacht were U.S. citizens, Mr. Hollyer said.

JP Morgan refused to comment on the Axioma when approached by The New York Times, declining to say whether the bank intended to donate any of the proceeds to help Ukrainian refugees. In recent months, some governments — including Britain, which governs Gibraltar as an overseas territory — have said that proceeds from the sale of seized Russian assets could be used to aid Ukraine.

A spokesman for Gibraltar Courts Service said that what happened to any surplus from the sale, once the loan was repaid, was a matter “to be determined by the court.”

Euan Ward is a reporter on the International desk and a 2022-2023 New York Times Fellow. He is based in London, and previously worked as a Middle East correspondent and investigative reporter in Beirut. More about Euan Ward

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From yachts to lavish estates, tracking Russian assets seized so far

By Tal Yellin , CNN

Published April 13, 2022

Updated April 27, 2022

Countries are on the hunt for sanctioned Russian assets after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February. Thousands of Russians have since been sanctioned by the United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom, among others. Superyachts and multimillion-dollar properties have already been seized or frozen by authorities in Italy, France, Spain, the UK and Gibraltar. The United States has also launched KleptoCapture, a task force focused on those who violate sanctions and the seizing of their assets.

This interactive will continue to track known developments and help show where sanctioned Russians park their money outside of Russia. Except for Igor Sechin and Sergei Chemezov, no other oligarchs or related persons mentioned in this story responded to requests for comment from CNN.

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April 4, 2022

“tango”  linked to    viktor vekselberg   valued at $90 million in mallorca, spain.

Spanish authorities seized a superyacht named “Tango,” which they say is owned by Russian oligarch Viktor Vekselberg in Mallorca, according to a statement from the Spanish Civil Guard. The detained yacht was part of an operation with US federal agents and was carried out under a Spanish court order, the statement said. Vekselberg runs the Russian investment company Renova Group. He is worth approximately $16.5 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index. He was sanctioned by the United States and is “under investigation for tax fraud, money laundering and document forgery trying to hide the ownership of this superyacht to avoid sanctions” and is “very close to (Russian President) Vladimir Putin,” the Spanish Civil Guard said. Vekselberg’s case marks the first seizure for the newly formed US task force, KleptoCapture. The yacht is 78 meters long (about 256 feet) and is valued at nearly $90 million, per the US Department of Justice.

March 29, 2022

“phi”  linked to    a russian businessman   valued at $50 million in london, england.

The United Kingdom detained the “Phi” yacht belonging to an unnamed-Russian businessman with ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Russian regime, according to the UK Department for Transport. The Dutch-built vessel is docked in East London’s Canary Wharf for the superyacht awards, and was planning to depart March 29. The Department of Transport claims that the ownership of the boat was “deliberately well hidden.” It sails under the Maltese flag and is registered to a company based in the Caribbean islands of St. Kitts and Nevis. The 192-foot yacht is worth approximately £38 million (about $50 million).

March 23, 2022

Assets  linked to    sanctioned russians   valued at $800 million in france.

French authorities have frozen assets linked to sanctioned Russian oligarchs valued at $800 million, according to French government spokesperson Gabriel Attal. The European Union’s latest round of sanctions in early March against Russia included measures targeting 160 oligarchs and Russian politicians. “There will be no taboo if we need to go further,” Attal said about any additional sanctions.

March 22, 2022

Assets  linked to    sanctioned russians   valued at $431 million in the netherlands.

The Netherlands has frozen nearly 392 million euros (about $431 million) in Russian assets, the Dutch Ministry of Finance told parliament in a letter seen by CNN. The ministry said that further asset freezes were expected. The European Union’s latest round of sanctions in early March against Russia included measures targeting 160 oligarchs and Russian politicians.

March 21, 2022

“axioma”  linked to    dmitry pumpyansky   valued at $75 million in gibraltar.

Authorities in Gibraltar have detained the “Axioma” yacht linked to Russian billionaire Dmitry Pumpyansky, according to UK and Gibraltar government statements. Pumpyansky was sanctioned by the EU and UK and was the beneficiary of TMK PAO, Russia’s largest oil and gas steel pipe maker. He also resigned from the TMK PAO’s board of directors, the company announced . The 240-foot yacht is worth approximately $75 million, according to SuperYachtFan . Gibraltar’s ports had been closed to sanctioned individuals, but the Captain of the Port made an exception after JPMorgan Chase was granted a court order authorizing the seizure. “JPMorgan is acting pursuant to its mortgage rights,” the Gibraltar government said in a statement to CNN. JPMorgan Chase, the largest bank in the United States, said in a statement in early March it was getting out of Russia following the invasion of Ukraine, citing “compliance with directives by governments around the world.”

March 18, 2022

Real estate  linked to    alexey mordaschov   valued at $116 million in sardinia, italy.

The Italian financial police seized a real estate complex belonging to Russian billionaire Alexey Mordaschov in Sardinia, according to Italy’s Prime Minister’s office. Mordaschov is the chairman of Russian mining and steel company Severstal and is one of Russia’s richest men, worth $18.5 billion, according to Forbes . The frozen real estate is worth around 105 million euros (about $116 million), per Ferdinando Giugliano, the media advisor to the Italian Prime Minister. On March 4, Mordaschov’s yacht, named “Lady M” was also seized in Italy. The 213-foot yacht is worth approximately 65 million euros (about $71 million).

March 16, 2022

“crescent”  linked to    an unknown owner   valued at $600 million in tarragona, spain.

Spanish authorities have detained a superyacht, named “Crescent” in the port of Tarragona, according to a statement from Spain’s Ministry for Transport. The 135-meter yacht flies a Cayman Islands flag and has been “provisionally detained” to establish whether it is the possession of a person or entity included in the European Council’s package of sanctions, the statement said. The yacht cost approximately $600 million, according to SuperYachtFan.

Real estate  linked to    Petr Aven   valued at $4.4 million in Sardinia, Italy

The Italian financial police froze a real estate complex belonging partially to Russian oligarch Petr Aven in Sardinia, according to a statement issued by Prime Minister Mario Draghi’s press office. The share of real estate is worth approximately 4 million euros (about $4.4 million), according to the Italian Prime Minister’s office. The billionaire stepped down earlier this month as Director of Russian private bank Alfa Bank and from the board of the investment firm he co-founded, LetterOne, after being sanctioned by the EU and UK . The European Union named Aven as “one of Vladimir Putin’s closest oligarchs,” who “regularly meet” with the Russian President in the Kremlin, and “does not operate independently of the President’s demands.”

Real estate and vehicles  linked to    Alisher Usmanov   valued at $72 million in Italy

Real estate assets and six corporate vehicles belonging to Russian oligarch Alisher Usmanov were seized by the Italian financial police. The seized assets are worth approximately 66 million euros (about $72 million). Usmanov is one of Russia’s wealthiest billionaires with vast domestic and international holdings. The US government sanctioned him in early March in a campaign targeting Putin’s allies, stating he is alleged to have financial ties to Putin. Italy’s financial police had previously seized his real estate in the Golfo del Pevero area in Arzachena on March 4. Those assets are worth approximately 17 million euros (about $18 million).

March 15, 2022

“lady anastasia”  linked to    alexander mikheev   valued at $7 million in palma de mallorca, spain.

Spanish authorities have detained a yacht linked to Russian oligarch Alexander Mikheev, named “Lady Anastasia,” in the port of Palma de Mallorca, according to the Spanish Ministry of Transport. Mikheev is the CEO of Rosoboronexport, the only state organization in Russia that exports weapons and was sanctioned by the EU and the US. The yacht is nearly 48 meters (157 feet) long and was in the news in late February, when a crew member tried to sink the vessel in retaliation for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The yacht is worth approximately $7 million, according to a listing on BOAT International.

“Valerie”  linked to    Sergei Chemezov   valued at $140 million in Barcelona, Spain

Spanish authorities seized the “Valerie” yacht reportedly linked to Russian oligarch and former KGB agent Sergei Chemezov in the port of Barcelona, according to Reuters . Chemezov is the chairman of the Rostec conglomerate and a member of the Supreme Council of ‘United Russia’, per EU sanctions . When the US sanctioned Chemezov in 2014 — as part of an effort targeting Putin’s inner circle — the government said he had known Putin since the 1980s and the two lived in the same apartment complex in East Germany. The yacht is worth approximately $140 million and will remain “provisionally immobilized” until authorities can determine its ownership. A spokesman for Chemezov denied that he is tied to the yacht.

March 11, 2022

“sailing yacht a”  linked to    andrey melnichenko   valued at $577 million in trieste, italy.

The Italian financial police seized “Sailing Yacht A” — which could be linked to Russian fertilizer and coal billionaire Andrey Melnichenko — in the port of Trieste, according to Ferdinando Giugliano, the media advisor to the Italian Prime Minister. Melnichenko was sanctioned by the EU on March 9 and has since removed himself from the boards of two companies he founded, Eurochem and SUEK, according to his spokesman Alex Andreev in a statement to CNN. At 469 feet long, the vessel is also the world’s tallest sailing yacht — taller than the Statue of Liberty — and is worth approximately 530 million euros (about $577 million).

March 4, 2022

“villa lazzareschi”  linked to    oleg savchenko   valued at $3.3 million in lucca, italy.

A 17th century villa allegedly owned by Oleg Savchenko, named “Villa Lazzareschi,” was seized by Italian financial police in the province of Lucca, according to a police statement . Savchenko is a member of the State Duma and was sanctioned by the EU. The seized Italian villa is worth approximately 3 million euros (about $3.3 million).

Real estate  linked to    Vladimir Soloviev   valued at $8.7 million in Como, Italy

Real estate properties belonging to Vladimir Soloviev were seized by the Italian financial police in the province of Como, according to a police statement . Soloviev is a Russian pro-Kremlin propagandist and TV/radio journalist, according to EU Council sanctions . The frozen Italian real estate is worth approximately 8 million euros (about $8.7 million).

Real estate  linked to    Alisher Usmanov   valued at $18 million in Arzachena, Italy

A real estate compendium belonging to Russian oligarch Alisher Usmanov was seized by the Italian financial police in the Golfo del Pevero area in Arzachena, according to a statement . The frozen Italian real estate is worth approximately 17 million euros (about $18 million).

Usmanov is one of Russia’s wealthiest billionaires with vast domestic and international holdings, according to the US Treasury. The US government sanctioned him in early March in a campaign targeting Putin’s allies, stating he is alleged to have financial ties to Putin. The US said it sanctioned his private jet and his 512-foot superyacht named “Dilbar.”

“Lena”  linked to    Gennady Timchenko   valued at $55 million in San Remo, Italy

The Italian financial police seized Russian billionaire Gennady Timchenko’s yacht, named “Lena,” in the port of San Remo, according to a police statement . Timchenko is the owner of private investment group, Volga Group. He was sanctioned by the EU in February. When the US government sanctioned Timchenko in 2014, an effort targeting Putin’s inner circle, they stated his “activities in the energy sector have been directly linked to Putin.” The 126-foot yacht is worth approximately 50 million euros (about $55 million).

“Lady M”  linked to    Alexey Mordaschov   valued at $71 million in Imperia, Italy

The Italian financial police seized Russian billionaire Alexey Mordaschov’s yacht, named “Lady M,” in the northern port of Imperia, according to a police statement . Mordaschov is the chairman of Russian mining and steel company Severstal and is one of Russia’s richest men, worth $18.5 billion, according to Forbes . The 213-foot yacht is worth approximately 65 million euros (about $71 million).

March 3, 2022

“amore vero”  linked to    igor sechin   valued at $120 million in la ciotat, france.

French authorities seized a yacht linked to Igor Sechin in the Mediterranean port of La Ciotat, according to the French Finance Ministry . Sechin is the CEO of Rosneft, the Russian state oil company and one of the world’s largest crude oil producers. The yacht, named “Amore Vero” — or “True Love” in Italian — was scheduled to leave the port on April 1 after arriving in January. Sechin was deputy prime minister of Russia from 2008 until 2012. The European Union said his connections to Putin are “long and deep,” with the two men maintaining daily contact. The yacht is worth about $120 million, according to SuperYachtFan. A Sechin spokesman denied that he is tied to the yacht.

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Law and Order in Russia

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New York Federal Court Disqualifies Lawyer John Moscow and BakerHostetler in Magnitsky Money Laundering Case

December 21, 2015

21 December 2015 – The federal court in New York has disqualified lawyer John Moscow and his firm, BakerHostetler, who represented the alleged Russian recipients of money laundering proceeds from the US$230 million Russian fraud that Sergei Magnitsky uncovered, in a civil forfeiture case brought by the US Department of Justice. The case alleges money laundering of proceeds of Russian fraud into multi-million dollar Manhattan real estate by Prevezon, a company owned by a son of former Vice-premier of the Moscow Region and the current Vice-president of Russian Railways Pyotr Katsyv.

John Moscow and BakerHostetler had originally worked for Hermitage in 2008 to defend Hermitage against unfounded accusations relating to the fraud, including (among other projects) by tracking the stolen US$230 million and its recipients, and bringing the evidence of this complex Russian fraud which victimised Hermitage, to the US Department of Justice. On Hermitage’s behalf, John Moscow personally presented the findings from the Hermitage’s and Sergei Magnitsky’s investigations of the $230 million fraud to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

On 25 November 2008, one day after Sergei Magnitsky’s arrest by corrupt Russian officials on false charges, John Moscow also became involved in Hermitage’s legal actions to free Sergei Magnitsky from Russian detention. Prior to his arrest, Sergei Magnitsky gave testimony to Russian authorities implicating Russian officials in the theft of Hermitage’s Russian companies and of US$230 million the Hermitage’s companies had paid to the Russian government.

One year later, on 16 November 2009, Sergei Magnitsky was killed in Russian police custody before he could testify in an open trial.

In 2013, John Moscow and BakerHostetler switched sides, and went from representing Hermitage to representing Russian-owned Prevezon, an alleged beneficiary of the US$230 million fraud, that Sergei Magnitsky’s investigation had led to after his death. The US Department of Justice has traced to Prevezon nearly US$2 million of the US$230 million fraud proceeds and more funds in false and questionable transactions.  The US court has frozen about US$14 million in Prevezon’s assets, including bank accounts and several Manhattan properties.

In November 2015, John Moscow and BakerHostetler made filings on Prevezon’s behalf in which they explicitly accused Hermitage of committing the US$230 million fraud that they originally have been hired to defend against.

On 15 December 2015, Hermitage filed a motion to disqualify BakerHostetler and John Moscow.

In Judge Griesa’s opinion, issued on 18 December 2015, the U.S. Court for Southern District of New York ordered:

“The court is now convinced that it would be improper for BakerHostetler and Moscow to continue as counsel to defendants. …Hermitage’s motion to disqualify BakerHostetler and Moscow as counsel to defendants is granted.”

Hermitage Capital’s representative said of the disqualification of John Moscow and BakerHostetler :

“This disqualification is a stark reminder that lawyers can’t switch sides just because there is money being offered to them.”

Under Rule 1.9 of the New York Rule of Professional Conduct, lawyers are not allowed to betray their former clients. In particular, the rule says:

“A lawyer who has formerly represented a client in a matter shall not thereafter represent another person in the same or a substantially related matter in which that person’s interests are materially adverse to the interests of the former client unless the former client gives informed consent, confirmed in writing.”

Hermitage became the victim of the US$230 million fraud in 2007 when a Russian criminal organisation, comprising FSB, Interior Ministry and tax officials and headed by a convicted fraudster Dmitry Klyuev, raided offices of Hermitage and its law firm in Moscow, unlawfully seized statutory and financial documents for its corporate Russian subsidiaries. Using those documents, the Russian crime group forged contracts and powers of attorney, fraudulently re-registered the stolen Hermitage companies to felons previously convicted for violent crimes, and through sham court proceedings obtained about US$1 billion judgments against the stolen Hermitage companies, in order to claim US$230 million in purportedly “overpaid” taxes.

The fraudulent US$230 million tax refund was granted by Russian tax officials, who were members of the crime group, in one day, and paid out two days later to two small Russian banks, where fraudsters had opened bank accounts, and then laundered through Russian banks and around the world.

Through efforts of Hermitage and law enforcement authorities around the world, about US$40 million connected to the US$230 million fraud uncovered by Sergei Magnitsky have been identified and frozen.

BakerHostetler is an “Am Law 100 law firm” with more than 900 attorneys and 14 offices. John Moscow is a former New York prosecutor and a partner at Baker Hostetler.

For more information please contact:                     

Justice for Sergei Magnitsky

+44 207 440 1777

e-mail: [email protected]

www.lawandorderinrussia.org

Twitter: @KatieFisher__

www.facebook.com/russianuntouchables

www.billbrowder.com

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Speak your mind

V. I.   Lenin

Lessons of the moscow uprising.

Published: Proletary , No. 2, August 29, 1906. Published according to the Proletary text. Source: Lenin Collected Works , Progress Publishers, 1965 , Moscow, Volume 11 , pages  171-178 . Translated: Transcription\Markup: R. Cymbala Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive (2000). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source. • README

The publication of the book Moscow in December 1905 (Moscow, 1906) could not have been more timely. It is an urgent task of the workers’ party to assimilate the lessons of the December uprising. Unfortunately, this book is like a barrel of honey spoilt by a spoonful of tar: most interesting material—despite its incompleteness—and incredibly slovenly, incredibly trite conclusions. We shall deal with these conclusions on another occasion [1] ; at present we shall turn our attention to the burning political question of the day, to the lessons of the Moscow uprising.

The principal forms of the December movement in Moscow were the peaceful strike and demonstrations, and these were the only forms of struggle in which the vast majority of the workers took an active part. Yet, the December action in Moscow vividly demonstrated that the general strike, as an independent and predominant form of struggle, is out of date, that the movement is breaking out of these narrow bounds with elemental and irresistible force and giving rise to the highest form of struggle—an uprising.

In calling the strike, all the revolutionary parties, all the Moscow unions recognised and even intuitively felt that it must inevitably grow into an uprising. On December 6 the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies resolved to “strive to transform the strike into an armed uprising”. As a matter of fact, however, none of the organisations were prepared for this. Even the Joint Council of Volunteer Fighting Squads [2] spoke ( on December 9 !) of an uprising as of something remote, and it is quite evident that it had no hand in or control of   the street fighting that took place. The organisations failed to keep pace with the growth and range of the movement.

The strike was growing into an uprising, primarily as a result of the pressure of the objective conditions created after October. A general strike could no longer take the government unawares: it had already organised the forces of counter-revolution, and they were ready for military action. The whole course of the Russian revolution after October, and the sequence of events in Moscow in the December days, strikingly confirmed one of Marx’s profound propositions: revolution progresses by giving rise to a strong and united counter-revolution, i.e., it compels the enemy to resort to more and more extreme measures of defence and in this way devises ever more powerful means of attack. [3]

December 7 and 8: a peaceful strike, peaceful mass demonstrations. Evening of the 8th: the siege of the Aquarium. [4] The morning of the 9th: the crowd in Strastnaya Square is attacked by the dragoons. Evening: the Fiedler building [5] is raided. Temper rises. The unorganised street crowds, quite spontaneously and hesitatingly, set up the first barricades.

The 10th: artillery fire is opened on the barricades and the crowds in the streets. Barricades are set up more deliberately, and no longer in isolated cases, but on a really mass scale. The whole population is in the streets; all the main centres of the city are covered by a network of barricades. For several days the volunteer fighting units wage a stubborn guerrilla battle against the troops, which exhausts the troops and compels Dubasov [6] to beg for reinforcements. Only on December 15 did the superiority of the government forces become complete, and on December 17 the Semyonovsky Regiment [7] crushed Presnya District, the last stronghold of the uprising.

From a strike and demonstrations to isolated barricades. From isolated barricades to the mass erection of barricades and street fighting against the troops. Over the heads of the organisations, the mass proletarian struggle developed from a strike to an uprising. This is the greatest historic gain the Russian revolution achieved in December 1905; and like all preceding gains it was purchased at the price of enormous sacrifices. The movement was raised from a   general political strike to a higher stage. It compelled the reaction to go to the limit in its resistance, and so brought vastly nearer the moment when the revolution will also go to the limit in applying the means of attack. The reaction cannot go further than the shelling of barricades, buildings and crowds. But the revolution can go very much further than the Moscow volunteer fighting units, it can go very, very much further in breadth and depth. And the revolution has advanced far since December. The base of the revolutionary crisis has become immeasurably broader—the blade must now be sharpened to a keener edge.

The proletariat sensed sooner than its leaders the change in the objective conditions of the struggle and the need for a transition from the strike to an uprising. As is always the case, practice marched ahead of theory. A peaceful strike and demonstrations immediately ceased to satisfy the workers; they asked: What is to be done next? And they demanded more resolute action. The instructions to set up barricades reached the districts exceedingly late, when barricades were already being erected in the centre of the city. The workers set to work in large numbers, but even this did not satisfy them ; they wanted to know: what is to be done next?— they demanded active measures. In December, we, the leaders of the Social-Democratic proletariat, were like a commander-in-chief who has deployed his troops in such an absurd way that most of them took no active part in the battle. The masses of the workers demanded, but failed to receive, instructions for resolute mass action.

Thus, nothing could be more short-sighted than Plekhanov’s view, seized upon by all the opportunists, that the strike was untimely and should not have been started, and that “they should not have taken to arms”. On the contrary, we should have taken to arms more resolutely, energetically and aggressively; we should have explained to the masses that it was impossible to confine things to a peaceful strike and that a fearless and relentless armed fight was necessary. And now we must at last openly and publicly admit that political strikes are inadequate; we must carry on the widest agitation among the masses in favour of an armed uprising and make no attempt to obscure this question by talk about   “preliminary stages”, or to befog it in any way. We would be deceiving both ourselves and the people if we concealed from the masses the necessity of a desperate, bloody war of extermination, as the immediate task of the coming revolutionary action.

Such is the first lesson of the December events. Another lesson concerns the character of the uprising, the methods by which it is conducted, and the conditions which lead to the troops coming over to the side of the people. An extremely biased view on this latter point prevails in the Right wing of our Party. It is alleged that there is no possibility of fighting modern troops; the troops must become revolutionary. Of course, unless the revolution assumes a mass character and affects the troops, there can be no question of serious struggle. That we must work among the troops goes without saying. But we must not imagine that they will come over to our side at one stroke, as a result of persuasion or their own convictions. The Moscow uprising clearly demonstrated how stereotyped and lifeless this view is. As a matter of fact, the wavering of the troops, which is inevitable in every truly popular movement, leads to a real fight for the troops whenever the revolutionary struggle be comes acute. The Moscow uprising was precisely an example of the desperate, frantic struggle for the troops that takes place between the reaction and the revolution. Dubasov himself declared that of the fifteen thousand men of the Moscow garrison, only five thousand were reliable. The government restrained the waverers by the most diverse and desperate measures: they appealed to them, flattered them, bribed them, presented them with watches, money, etc.; they doped them with vodka, they lied to them, threatened them, confined them to barracks and disarmed them, and those who were suspected of being least reliable were removed by treachery and violence. And we must have the courage to confess, openly and unreservedly, that in this respect we lagged be hind the government. We failed to utilise the forces at our disposal for such an active, bold, resourceful and aggressive fight for the wavering troops as that which the government waged and won. We have carried on work in the army and we will redouble our efforts in the future ideologically to “win over” the troops. But we shall prove to be miserable   pedants if we forget that at a time of uprising there must also be a physical struggle for the troops.

In the December days, the Moscow proletariat taught us magnificent lessons in ideologically “winning over” the troops, as, for example, on December 8 in Strastnaya Square, when the crowd surrounded the Cossacks, mingled and fraternised with them, and persuaded them to turn back. Or on December 10, in Presnya District, when two working girls, carrying a red flag in a crowd of 10,000 people, rushed out to meet the Cossacks crying: “Kill us! We will not surrender the flag alive!” And the Cossacks were disconcerted and galloped away, amidst the shouts from the crowd: “Hurrah for the Cossacks!” These examples of courage and heroism should be impressed forever on the mind of the proletariat.

But here are examples of how we lagged behind Dubasov. On December 9, soldiers were marching down Bolshaya Serpukhovskaya Street singing the Marseillaise , on their way to join the insurgents. The workers sent delegates to meet them. Malakhov himself galloped at breakneck speed towards them. The workers were too late, Malakhov reached them first. He delivered a passionate speech, caused the soldiers to waver, surrounded them with dragoons, marched them off to barracks and locked them in. Malakhov reached the soldiers in time and we did not, although within two days 150,000 people had risen at our call, and these could and should have organised the patrolling of the streets. Malakhov surrounded the soldiers with dragoons, whereas we failed to surround the Malakhovs with bomb-throwers. We could and should have done this; and long ago the Social-Democratic press (the old Iskra [8] ) pointed out that ruthless extermination of civil and military chiefs was our duty during an uprising. What took place in Bolshaya Serpukhovskaya Street was apparently repeated in its main features in front of the Nesvizhskiye Barracks and the Krutitskiye Barracks, and also when the workers attempted to “withdraw” the Ekaterinoslav Regiment, and when delegates were sent to the sappers in Alexandrov, and when the Rostov artillery on its way to Moscow was turned back, and when the sappers were disarmed in Kolomna, and so on. During the uprising we proved unequal to our task in the fight for the wavering troops.

The December events confirmed another of Marx’s profound propositions, which the opportunists have forgotten, namely, that insurrection is an art and that the principal rule of this art is the waging of a desperately bold and irrevocably determined offensive . [9] We have not sufficiently assimilated this truth. We ourselves have not sufficiently learned, nor have we taught the masses, this art, this rule to attack at all costs. We must make up for this omission with all our energy. It is not enough to take sides on the question of political slogans; it is also necessary to take sides on the question of an armed uprising. Those who are opposed to it, those who do not prepare for it, must be ruthlessly dismissed from the ranks of the supporters of the revolution, sent packing to its enemies, to the traitors or cowards; for the day is approaching when the force of events and the conditions of the struggle will compel us to distinguish between enemies and friends according to this principle. It is not passivity that we should preach, not mere “waiting” until the troops “come over”. No! We must proclaim from the house tops the need for a bold offensive and armed attack, the necessity at such times of exterminating the persons in command of the enemy, and of a most energetic fight for the wavering troops.

The third great lesson taught by Moscow concerns the tactics and organisation of the forces for an uprising. Military tactics depend on the level of military technique. This plain truth Engels demonstrated and brought home to all Marxists. [10] Military technique today is not what it was in the middle of the nineteenth century. It would be folly to contend against artillery in crowds and defend barricades with revolvers. Kautsky was right when he wrote that it is high time now, after Moscow, to review Engels’s conclusions, and that Moscow had inaugurated “new barricade tactics ”. [11] These tactics are the tactics of guerrilla warfare. The organisation required for such tactics is that of mobile and exceedingly small units, units of ten, three or even two persons. We often meet Social-Democrats now who scoff whenever units of five or three are mentioned. But scoffing is only a cheap way of ignoring the new question of tactics and organisation raised by street fighting under the conditions imposed by modern military technique. Study carefully the story   of the Moscow uprising, gentlemen, and you will understand what connection exists between “units of five” and the question of “new barricade tactics”.

Moscow advanced these tactics, but failed to develop them far enough, to apply them to any considerable extent, to a really mass extent. There were too few volunteer fighting squads, the slogan of bold attack was not issued to the masses of the workers and they did not apply it; the guerrilla detachments were too uniform in character, their arms and methods were inadequate, their ability to lead the crowd was almost undeveloped. We must make up for all this and we shall do so by learning from the experience of Moscow, by spreading this experience among the masses and by stimulating their creative efforts to develop it still further. And the guerrilla warfare and mass terror that have been taking place throughout Russia practically without a break since December, will undoubtedly help the masses to learn the correct tactics of an uprising. Social-Democracy must recognise this mass terror and incorporate it into its tactics, organising and controlling it of course, subordinating it to the interests and conditions of the working-class movement and the general revolutionary struggle, while eliminating and ruthlessly lopping off the “hooligan” perversion of this guerrilla warfare which was so splendidly and ruthlessly dealt with by our Moscow comrades during the uprising and by the Letts during the days of the famous Lettish republics. [12]

There have been new advances in military technique in the very recent period. The Japanese War produced the hand grenade. The small-arms factories have placed automatic rifles on the market. Both these weapons are already being successfully used in the Russian revolution, but to a degree that is far from adequate. We can and must take advantage of improvements in technique, teach the workers’ detachments to make bombs in large quantities, help them and our fighting squads to obtain supplies of explosives, fuses and automatic rifles. If the mass of the workers takes part in uprisings in the towns, if mass attacks are launched on the enemy, if a determined and skilful fight is waged for the troops, who after the Duma, after Sveaborg and Kronstadt are wavering more than ever—and if we ensure participation   of the rural areas in the general struggle—victory will be ours in the next all-Russian armed uprising.

Let us, then, develop our work more extensively and set our tasks more boldly, while mastering the lessons of the great days of the Russian revolution. The basis of our work is a correct estimate of class interests and of the requirements of the nation’s development at the present juncture. We are rallying, and shall continue to rally, an increasing section of the proletariat, the peasantry and the army under the slogan of overthrowing the tsarist regime and convening a constituent assembly by a revolutionary government. As hitherto, the basis and chief content of our work is to develop the political understanding of the masses. But let us not forget that, in addition to this general, constant and fundamental task, times like the present in Russia impose other, particular and special tasks. Let us not become pedants and philistines, let us not evade these special tasks of the moment, these special tasks of the given forms of struggle, by meaningless references to our permanent duties, which remain unchanged at all times and in all circumstances.

Let us remember that a great mass struggle is approaching. It will be an armed uprising. It must, as far as possible, be simultaneous. The masses must know that they are entering upon an armed, bloody and desperate struggle. Contempt for death must become widespread among them and will ensure victory. The onslaught on the enemy must be pressed with the greatest vigour; attack, not defence, must be the slogan of the masses; the ruthless extermination of the enemy will be their task; the organisation of the struggle will become mobile and flexible; the wavering elements among the troops will be drawn into active participation. And in this momentous struggle, the party of the class-conscious proletariat must discharge its duty to the full.

[1] See pp. 189-93 of this volume.— Ed .

[2] The Joint Council of Volunteer Fighting Squads was formed in Moscow at the end of October 1905. It was created at the outset for the practical struggle against the Black Hundreds but it was kept in existence during the December uprising. It included representatives of the volunteer squads of the Moscow Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., the Moscow group of Social-Democrats, the Moscow committee of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and also of the volunteer squads bearing the names “Free District”, “University”, “Typographical” and “Caucasian”. The S.-R.-Menshevik majority   of the Joint Council was responsible for disorganising its activity; during the days of the December armed uprising it lagged behind the revolutionary events and was incapable of acting as the operational general staff of the uprising.

[3] Lenin cites the proposition put forward by Marx in his Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1860 (see Marx and Engels, Selected Works , Vol. 1, Moscow, 1958, p. 139).

[4] During the evening of December 8 (21), 1905, soldiers and police cordoned off the “Aquarium” garden (at the Sadovo-Triumfalnaya Square) where a crowded meeting was being held in the theatre. Thanks to the selfless efforts of the workers’ volunteer squads guarding the meeting, bloodshed was avoided; those who possessed arms were enabled to escape through a broken fence, but the other participants in the meeting who went out through the gate were searched, beaten up and in many cases arrested.

[5] The Fiedler school building (at Chistiye Prudy) was regularly used for party meetings. During the evening of December 9 (22), 1905, when a meeting was being held there, it was surrounded by troops. The participants in the meeting, mostly members of volunteer squads, refused to surrender and barricaded themselves in the building. The troops opened fire using artillery and machine-guns. During the destruction of the building more than 30 persons were killed or wounded; 120 were arrested.

[6] Dubasov, F. V. (1845-1912)—Governor-General of Moscow in 1905-06, who directed the suppression of the armed uprising of the Moscow workers in December 1905.

[7] Semenovtsy —soldiers of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment who were sent from St. Petersburg to Moscow in December 1905 to suppress the uprising of the Moscow workers.

[8] Iskra ( The Spark )—the first all-Russian illegal Marxist revolutionary newspaper. It was founded by Lenin in 1900, and it played a decisive part in building the Marxist revolutionary party of the Russian working class. After the Party, at the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. in 1903, had split into a revolutionary (Bolshevik) wing and an opportunist (Menshevik) wing, Iskra passed into the hands of the Mensheviks and became known as the “ new ” Iskra in contrast to Lenin’s old Iskra .

[9] This refers to Engels’s Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany, 1848 (New York Daily Tribune , 18.IX. 1852) which was published in 1851-52 as a series of articles in the newspaper New York Daily Tribune over the signature of Marx, who originally intended to write them but, being preoccupied with his economic researches, handed over the task to Engels. In writing the articles Engels   constantly consulted Marx, who also read them through, before they were sent to the press. Not until 1913, as a result of the publication of the correspondence between Marx and Engels, did it become known that the work had been written by Engels.

[10] Engels expounded this proposition on a number of occasions in his works, notably in Anti-Dühring .

[11] Lenin deals with this in more detail in his work “The Russian Revolution and the Tasks of the Proletariat” (see present edition, Vol. 10, pp. 141-42).

[12] In December 1905 various Lettish towns were seized by armed detachments of insurgent workers, agricultural labourers and peasants. Guerrilla war against the tsarist troops began. In January 1906 the uprising in Latvia was suppressed by punitive expeditions under tsarist generals.